President
Obama delivered his farewell address in Chicago on Tuesday. The
following is the complete transcript, as provided by the Federal News
Service.
OBAMA: Hello Chicago!
(APPLAUSE)
It’s good to be home!
(APPLAUSE)
Thank you, everybody!
(APPLAUSE)
Thank you.
(APPLAUSE)
Thank you.
(APPLAUSE)
Thank you so much, thank you. Thank you. Thank you.
(APPLAUSE)
It’s good to be home.
Thank you.
(APPLAUSE)
We’re on live TV here, I’ve got to move.
(APPLAUSE)
You can tell that I’m a lame duck, because nobody is following instructions.
(LAUGHTER)
Everybody have a seat.
My
fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the
well-wishes that we’ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight
it’s my turn to say thanks.
Whether
we have seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with
you, the American people — in living rooms and in schools; at farms and
on factory floors; at diners and on distant military outposts — those
conversations are what have kept me honest, and kept me inspired, and
kept me going. And every day, I have learned from you. You made me a
better president, and you made me a better man.
So
I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, and I was
still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to
my life. And it was a neighborhood not far from here where I began
working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills.
It
was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the
quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss.
(CROWD CHANTING “FOUR MORE YEARS”)
I can’t do that.
Now
this is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people
get involved, and they get engaged, and they come together to demand it.
After
eight years as your president, I still believe that. And it’s not just
my belief. It’s the beating heart of our American idea — our bold
experiment in self-government.
It’s
the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our creator
with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness.
It’s
the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been
self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our
democracy, can form a more perfect union.
What
a radical idea, the great gift that our Founders gave to us. The
freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, and toil, and
imagination — and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a
common good, a greater good.
For
240 years, our nation’s call to citizenship has given work and purpose
to each new generation. It’s what led patriots to choose republic over
tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad
to freedom.
It’s
what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande.
It’s what pushed women to reach for the ballot. It’s what powered
workers to organize. It’s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and
Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan — and why men and women from Selma to
Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.
(APPLAUSE)
So
that’s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our
nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the
capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.
Yes,
our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been
hard. It has been contentious. Sometimes it has been bloody. For every
two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long
sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening
of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.
(APPLAUSE)
If
I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great
recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of
job creation in our history — if I had told you that we would open up a
new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran’s nuclear weapons
program without firing a shot, take out the mastermind of 9-11 — if I
had told you that we would win marriage equality and secure the right to
health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens — if I
had told you all that, you might have said our sights were set a little
too high.
But
that’s what we did. That’s what you did. You were the change. The
answer to people’s hopes and, because of you, by almost every measure,
America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.
In
10 days the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy. No, no, no,
no, no. The peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected
President to the next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my
administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as
President Bush did for me.
Because
it’s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the
many challenges we still face. We have what we need to do so. We have
everything we need to meet those challenges. After all, we remain the
wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on earth.
Our
youth, our drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity
for risk and reinvention means that the future should be ours. But that
potential will only be realized if our democracy works. Only if our
politics better reflects the decency of our people. Only if all of us,
regardless of party affiliation or particular interests help restore the
sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.
And
that’s what I want to focus on tonight, the state of our democracy.
Understand democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders argued,
they quarreled, and eventually they compromised. They expected us to do
the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of
solidarity. The idea that, for all our outward differences, we’re all in
this together, that we rise or fall as one.
There
have been moments throughout our history that threatened that
solidarity. And the beginning of this century has been one of those
times. A shrinking world, growing inequality, demographic change, and
the specter of terrorism. These forces haven’t just tested our security
and our prosperity, but are testing our democracy as well. And how we
meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to
educate our kids and create good jobs and protect our homeland.
In
other words, it will determine our future. To begin with, our democracy
won’t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity.
(APPLAUSE)
And
the good news is that today the economy is growing again. Wages,
incomes, home values and retirement accounts are all rising again.
Poverty is falling again.
(APPLAUSE)
The
wealthy are paying a fair share of taxes. Even as the stock market
shatters records, the unemployment rate is near a 10-year low. The
uninsured rate has never, ever been lower.
(APPLAUSE)
Health
care costs are rising at the slowest rate in 50 years. And I’ve said,
and I mean it, anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably
better than the improvements we’ve made to our health care system, that
covers as many people at less cost, I will publicly support it.
(APPLAUSE)
Because that, after all, is why we serve. Not to score points or take credit. But to make people’s lives better.
(APPLAUSE)
But,
for all the real progress that we’ve made, we know it’s not enough. Our
economy doesn’t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the
expense of a growing middle class, and ladders for folks who want to get
into the middle class.
(APPLAUSE)
That’s
the economic argument. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our
democratic idea. While the top 1 percent has amassed a bigger share of
wealth and income, too many of our families in inner cities and in rural
counties have been left behind.
The
laid off factory worker, the waitress or health care worker who’s just
barely getting by and struggling to pay the bills. Convinced that the
game is fixed against them. That their government only serves the
interest of the powerful. That’s a recipe for more cynicism and
polarization in our politics.
Now
there’re no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree, our trade
should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic
dislocations won’t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless
pace of automation that makes a lot of good middle class jobs obsolete.
And so we’re going to have to forge a new social compact to guarantee all our kids the education they need.
(APPLAUSE)
To give workers the power...
(APPLAUSE)
... to unionize for better wages.
(CHEERS)
To update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now.
(APPLAUSE)
And
make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and the individuals
who reap the most from this new economy don’t avoid their obligations to
the country that’s made their very success possible.
(CHEERS)
(APPLAUSE)
We
can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can’t be
complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don’t create
opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has
stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.
There’s a second threat to our democracy. And this one is as old as our nation itself.
After
my election there was talk of a post-racial America. And such a vision,
however well intended, was never realistic. Race remains a potent...
(APPLAUSE)
... and often divisive force in our society.
Now
I’ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they
were 10 or 20 or 30 years ago, no matter what some folks say.
(APPLAUSE)
You
can see it not just in statistics. You see it in the attitudes of young
Americans across the political spectrum. But we’re not where we need to
be. And all of us have more work to do.
(APPLAUSE)
If
every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking
white middle class and an undeserving minority, then workers of all
shades are going to be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy
withdraw further into their private enclaves.
(APPLAUSE)
If
we’re unwilling to invest in the children of immigrants, just because
they don’t look like us, we will diminish the prospects of our own
children — because those brown kids will represent a larger and larger
share of America’s workforce.
(APPLAUSE)
And
we have shown that our economy doesn’t have to be a zero-sum game. Last
year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for
women.
So
if we’re going to be serious about race going forward, we need to
uphold laws against discrimination — in hiring, and in housing, and in
education, and in the criminal justice system.
(APPLAUSE)
That is what our Constitution and highest ideals require.
But
laws alone won’t be enough. Hearts must change. It won’t change
overnight. Social attitudes oftentimes take generations to change. But
if our democracy is to work the way it should in this increasingly
diverse nation, then each one of us need to try to heed the advice of a
great character in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said “You never
really understand a person until you consider things from his point of
view, until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”
For
blacks and other minority groups, that means tying our own very real
struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this
country face. Not only the refugee or the immigrant or the rural poor or
the transgender American, but also the middle-aged white guy who from
the outside may seem like he’s got all the advantages, but has seen his
world upended by economic, and cultural, and technological change.
We have to pay attention and listen.
(APPLAUSE)
For
white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and
Jim Crow didn’t suddenly vanish in the ’60s; that when minority groups
voice discontent, they’re not just engaging in reverse racism or
practicing political correctness; when they wage peaceful protest,
they’re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment that
our founders promised.
(APPLAUSE)
For
native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the
stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word,
about the Irish, and Italians, and Poles, who it was said were going to
destroy the fundamental character of America. And as it turned out,
America wasn’t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; these
newcomers embraced this nation’s creed, and this nation was
strengthened.
(APPLAUSE)
So
regardless of the station we occupy; we all have to try harder; we all
have to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves
this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family
just like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful
and worthy of love as our own.
(APPLAUSE)
(CHEERING)
And
that’s not easy to do. For too many of us it’s become safer to retreat
into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods, or on college
campuses, or places of worship, or especially our social media feeds,
surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political
outlook and never challenge our assumptions. In the rise of naked
partisanship and increasing economic and regional stratification, the
splintering of our media into a channel for every taste, all this makes
this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable.
And
increasingly we become so secure in our bubbles that we start accepting
only information, whether it’s true or not, that fits our opinions,
instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that is out there.
(APPLAUSE)
And
this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Look, politics
is a battle of ideas. That’s how our democracy was designed. In the
course of a healthy debate, we prioritize different goals, and the
different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of
facts, without a willingness to admit new information and concede that
your opponent might be making a fair point, and that science and reason
matter, then we’re going to keep talking past each other.
(CROWD CHEERS)
And
we’ll make common ground and compromise impossible. And isn’t that part
of what so often makes politics dispiriting? How can elected officials
rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on pre-school for
kids, but not when we’re cutting taxes for corporations?
How
do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other
party does the same thing? It’s not just dishonest, it’s selective
sorting of the facts. It’s self-defeating because, as my mom used to
tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.
Take
the challenge of climate change. In just eight years we’ve halved our
dependence on foreign oil, we’ve doubled our renewable energy, we’ve led
the world to an agreement that (at) the promise to save this planet.
(APPLAUSE)
But
without bolder action, our children won’t have time to debate the
existence of climate change. They’ll be busy dealing with its effects.
More environmental disasters, more economic disruptions, waves of
climate refugees seeking sanctuary. Now we can and should argue about
the best approach to solve the problem. But to simply deny the problem
not only betrays future generations, it betrays the essential spirit of
this country, the essential spirit of innovation and practical
problem-solving that guided our founders.
(CROWD CHEERS)
It
is that spirit — it is that spirit born of the enlightenment that made
us an economic powerhouse. The spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and
Cape Canaveral, the spirit that cures disease and put a computer in
every pocket, it’s that spirit. A faith in reason and enterprise, and
the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of
fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, that allowed us to
build a post-World War II order with other democracies.
An
order based not just on military power or national affiliations, but
built on principles, the rule of law, human rights, freedom of religion
and speech and assembly and an independent press.
(APPLAUSE)
That
order is now being challenged. First by violent fanatics who claim to
speak for Islam. More recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who seek
free markets in open democracies and civil society itself as a threat
to their power.
The
peril each poses to our democracy is more far reaching than a car bomb
or a missile. They represent the fear of change. The fear of people who
look or speak or pray differently. A contempt for the rule of law that
holds leaders accountable. An intolerance of dissent and free thought. A
belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or the propaganda machine
is the ultimate arbiter of what’s true and what’s right.
Because
of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform. Because
of our intelligence officers and law enforcement and diplomats who
support our troops...
(APPLAUSE)
... no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years.
(CHEERS)
(APPLAUSE)
And although...
(APPLAUSE)
...
Boston and Orlando and San Bernardino and Fort Hood remind us of how
dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more
effective and vigilant than ever. We have taken out tens of thousands of
terrorists, including Bin Laden.
(CHEERS)
(APPLAUSE)
The
global coalition we’re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders
and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed. And
no one who threatens America will ever be safe.
(CHEERS)
(APPLAUSE)
And all who serve or have served — it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your commander-in-chief.
(CHEERS)
And we all owe you a deep debt of gratitude.
(CHEERS)
(APPLAUSE)
But,
protecting our way of life, that’s not just the job of our military.
Democracy can buckle when it gives into fear. So just as we as citizens
must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a
weakening of the values that make us who we are.
(APPLAUSE)
And
that’s why for the past eight years I’ve worked to put the fight
against terrorism on a firmer legal footing. That’s why we’ve ended
torture, worked to close Gitmo, reformed our laws governing surveillance
to protect privacy and civil liberties.
(APPLAUSE)
That’s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans...
(CHEERS)
... who are just as patriotic as we are.
(CHEERS)
(APPLAUSE)
That’s why...
(APPLAUSE)
That’s why we cannot withdraw...
(APPLAUSE)
That’s why we cannot withdraw from big global fights to expand democracy and human rights and women’s rights and LGBT rights.
(APPLAUSE)
No
matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such
values may seem, that’s part of defending America. For the fight
against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism and chauvinism are of
a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist
aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law
shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between
nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.
So
let’s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent
people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution
and our principles in the fight.
(APPLAUSE)
Rivals
like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world —
unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just
another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.
Which brings me to my final point — our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted.
(APPLAUSE)
All of us, regardless of party, should be throwing ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions.
(APPLAUSE)
When
voting rates in America are some of the lowest among advanced
democracies, we should be making it easier, not harder, to vote.
(APPLAUSE)
When
trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive
influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of
transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is
dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to
cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.
(APPLAUSE)
But
remember, none of this happens on its own. All of this depends on our
participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of
citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power happens to be
swinging.
Our
Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it’s really just a
piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it
power. We, the people, give it meaning — with our participation, and
with the choices that we make and the alliances that we forge.
Whether
or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and
enforce the rule of law, that’s up to us. America is no fragile thing.
But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.
In
his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government
is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from
different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken...
to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth.”
And
so we have to preserve this truth with “jealous anxiety;” that we
should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any
portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties”
that make us one.
(APPLAUSE)
America,
we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so
corrosive that people of good character aren’t even willing to enter
into public service. So course with rancor that Americans with whom we
disagree are seen, not just as misguided, but as malevolent. We weaken
those ties when we define some of us as more American than others.
(APPLAUSE)
When
we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt. And when we sit
back and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in
electing them.
(CROWD CHEERS)
It
falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our
democracy. Embrace the joyous task we have been given to continually try
to improve this great nation of ours because, for all our outward
differences, we in fact all share the same proud type, the most
important office in a democracy, citizen.
(APPLAUSE)
Citizen.
So, you see, that’s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just
when there’s an election, not just when you own narrow interest is at
stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you’re tired of arguing
with strangers on the Internet, try talking with one of them in real
life.
(APPLAUSE)
If something needs fixing, then lace up your shoes and do some organizing.
(CROWD CHEERS)
If you’re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clip board, get some signatures, and run for office yourself.
(CROWD CHEERS)
Show
up, dive in, stay at it. Sometimes you’ll win, sometimes you’ll lose.
Presuming a reservoir in goodness, that can be a risk. And there will be
times when the process will disappoint you. But for those of us
fortunate enough to have been part of this one and to see it up close,
let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not,
your faith in America and in Americans will be confirmed. Mine sure has
been.
(APPLAUSE)
Over
the course of these eight years, I’ve seen the hopeful faces of young
graduates and our newest military officers. I have mourned with grieving
families searching for answers, and found grace in a Charleston church.
I’ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of
touch. I’ve seen Wounded Warriors who at points were given up for dead
walk again.
I’ve
seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop
pandemics in their tracks. I’ve seen the youngest of children remind us
through their actions and through their generosity of our obligations to
care for refugees or work for peace and, above all, to look out for
each other. So that faith that I placed all those years ago, not far
from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change,
that faith has been rewarded in ways I could not have possibly imagined.
And I hope your faith has too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home, you were there with us in 2004 and 2008, 2012.
(CHEERS)
(APPLAUSE)
Maybe you still can’t believe we pulled this whole thing off.
(CHEERS)
Let me tell you, you’re not the only ones.
(LAUGHTER)
Michelle...
(CHEERS)
(APPLAUSE)
Michelle LaVaughn Robinson of the South Side...
(CHEERS)
(APPLAUSE)
... for the past 25 years you have not only been my wife and mother of my children, you have been my best friend.
(CHEERS)
(APPLAUSE)
You took on a role you didn’t ask for. And you made it your own with grace and with grit and with style, and good humor.
(CHEERS)
(APPLAUSE)
You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody.
(CHEERS)
And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model.
(CHEERS)
(APPLAUSE)
You have made me proud, and you have made the country proud.
(CHEERS)
(APPLAUSE)
Malia and Sasha...
(CHEERS)
... under the strangest of circumstances you have become two amazing young women.
(CHEERS)
You are smart and you are beautiful. But more importantly, you are kind and you are thoughtful and you are full of passion.
(CHEERS)
(APPLAUSE)
And...
(APPLAUSE)
... you wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I have done in my life, I am most proud to be your dad.
(APPLAUSE)
To Joe Biden...
(CHEERS)
(APPLAUSE)
... the scrappy kid from Scranton...
(CHEERS)
... who became Delaware’s favorite son. You were the first decision I made as a nominee, and it was the best.
(CHEERS)
(APPLAUSE)
Not
just because you have been a great vice president, but because in the
bargain I gained a brother. And we love you and Jill like family. And
your friendship has been one of the great joys of our lives.
(APPLAUSE)
To
my remarkable staff, for eight years, and for some of you a whole lot
more, I have drawn from your energy. And every day I try to reflect back
what you displayed. Heart and character. And idealism. I’ve watched you
grow up, get married, have kids, start incredible new journeys of your
own.
Even
when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the
better of you. You guarded against cynicism. And the only thing that
makes me prouder than all the good that we’ve done is the thought of all
the amazing things that you are going to achieve from here.
(APPLAUSE)
And
to all of you out there — every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar
town, every kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who
knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first
time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change —
you are the best supporters and organizers anybody could ever hope for,
and I will forever be grateful. Because you did change the world.
(APPLAUSE)
You did.
And
that’s why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this
country than when we started. Because I know our work has not only
helped so many Americans; it has inspired so many Americans — especially
so many young people out there — to believe that you can make a
difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves.
Let
me tell you, this generation coming up — unselfish, altruistic,
creative, patriotic — I’ve seen you in every corner of the country. You
believe in a fair, and just, and inclusive America; you know that
constant change has been America’s hallmark, that it’s not something to
fear but something to embrace, you are willing to carry this hard work
of democracy forward. You’ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a
result the future is in good hands.
(APPLAUSE)
My
fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I
won’t stop; in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for
all my remaining days. But for now, whether you are young or whether
you’re young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your president —
the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.
I am asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change — but in yours.
I
am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding
documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit
sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice;
that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign
battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every
American whose story is not yet written:
Yes, we can.
(APPLAUSE)
Yes, we did.
(APPLAUSE)
Yes, we can.
(APPLAUSE)
Thank you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States of America. Thank you.
(APPLAUSE)
END.
CREDIT: NEWYORK TIMES .
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